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February 28, 2008

Prosecutor Obonda and Congressman Clay

Sheeeeeeeeeeiiiiiiiiiiiiittt

If The Wire does nothing else for American society, it's still made an indelible impression on Maryland politics. Clay Davis isn't just drawn from a couple of disgraced Baltimore politicians. He's so perfectly archetypical that a number of local bloggers and commenters--and apparently a few journalists--have started using Clay as a synonym for corrupt machine politicians like Maryland's Al Wynn, recently voted out of office in a primary challenge from local activist Donna Edwards.

I was reminded of Wynn when Clay Davis took his crack at "Prosecutor Obonda" in episode seven, and when he insinuated that Rupert Bond was doing the work of white puppetmasters the week before that. Wynn is an Obama supporter (as is Edwards), but he, like Clay Davis, was perfectly happy to argue that his opponent was a pawn of white interests bent on bringing down a black politician. In the days before the primary, Wynn's supporters in the real estate and credit industries funded a barrage of ads that attacked the netroots-supported Edwards because she was funded by "super-rich people from out of state who don't get our community." Emphasis very much in the original.  (Edwards, like Wynn, is black, so he couldn't aim the smear directly at her. He did say she was part of a "vast, dare I say, left-wing conspiracy.") Davis merely went one step further, implying that his prosecutor was inauthentically, insufficiently black--the last remnant of an odious argument floated by Clinton surrogates in the days before South Carolina. (BET founder Robert Johnson compared Obama to Sidney Poitier in much the same way that Davis linked Bond to Obama. That was positively genteel compared to Andrew Young.)

Those attacks generated a powerful backlash in the primaries--a backlash that The Wire failed to see coming. You can tell this season was written and filmed a year ago; looking at the Maryland primary results, I'm guessing no defendant in a Baltimore courtroom would try to link his prosecutor to Barack Obama today.

I had thought the shared race-baiting cemented the Clay Davis-Al Wynn connection until Wynn entered the cast of The Wire this week, in heavily doctored form, as Congressman Upshaw. The scene where Carcetti goes to DC to put down a Prince George's County challenge for the governor's mansion alludes to the 2002 gubernatorial race, when Democratic Lieutenant Governor Kathleen Kennedy Townsend passed over black DC-area Democratic prospects to choose a former Republican from Annapolis as her running mate, and generally neglected the DC suburbs (which are increasingly rivaling Baltimore for power in the Democratic party and the state). Plenty of people in the DC area were not pleased by the snub, including Al Wynn, who had been using his congressional seat to position himself as a kingmaker in state and county affairs. Wynn is even rumored to have squeezed Townsend for money if she wanted to keep him from throwing his Get Out the Vote operation behind the Republican candidate, and to have done the same with Tommy Carcetti Martin O'Malley four years later.

Townsend went on to lose her race, the first time Maryland elected a Republican governor in nearly forty years (since that paragon of class and ethics, our gift to the nation, Spiro Agnew). That loss had little to do with Wynn per se and a lot more to do with Townsend's inept strategy and lackluster campaigning--upon hearing that Townsend endorsed Hillary Clinton, this Obama supporter breathed a sigh of relief--but it set up Wynn to pretend he had more influence than he did. He continued to play kingmaker and to vote against his constituents, at least until Donna Edwards scared him in 2006 and unseated him in 2008.

That upset is an indication that maybe things aren't as hopeless as they sometimes seem on The Wire.  Sure, the show's done elections before, and the challengers have won, and they have learned how little they can change. But the Donna Edwards victory removes a Clay Davis Democrat from office, and Al Wynn was failed by the tactics that let Clay wriggle off the hook.

I write this as a P.G. County native and a proud graduate of the Prince George's County public schools.  Held together with glue?  Look out, Upshaw--maybe the netroots of the Wireworld are coming for your ass, too.

February 26, 2008

Missing Persons

A comment thread for all you Wire fans:  With only two episodes left in the series, who else needs to put in an appearance?  (No fair giving away anything from episode nine, On-Demanders.)  Here are some of the choices:

Prez, Namond, and Colvin.  This is the most essential one.  These characters were the emotional core of season four, and Colvin was the show's moral conscience for two seasons straight.  I'd like to see how they're doing.

Cheryl.  We've already seen Kima's ex this season, but we haven't seen her in her professional capacity as a television news worker.  That seems like an obvious connection this season--and I'd like to see television news splayed out on the examination table the way newspapers have been, if there's time.

Claude Diggins.  No real need to see the Marine Unit boat pilot again.  I just like this character because he has possibly the most Baltimore name (and face) in the entire series.

Caroline Massey.  Whatever happened to the Major Crimes Unit's chief westside translator and coupon clipper?

Officer Walker.  Presumably he's still out there, shaking down children and homeless people.

Marcia Donnelly.  I'd love another look at the toughest and one of the best administrators in the series.  Even if she royally screwed up with Dukie.

Wee-Bey and DeLonda Brice.  Admit it.  You know you want to see DeLonda again.  Plus I'm curious to see if she can snag Asshole of the Year for a second year running on a single cameo.

Shardene.  Is she still with Lester?  I would guess so--as this week's bar scene makes clear, he is still Cool Lester Smooth.

Stan "Super Bastard" Valchek.  Because one brief scene just isn't enough.

I don't expect to see all of them--although you can fit a lot of faces into a series-ending montage--but I hope we see most.  Prez, Namond, Colvin, and maybe Wee-Bey and Marcia Donnelly strike me as pretty much essential.

Who did I miss?  Who do you need to see one more time?

February 25, 2008

"Slow on the draw he was"

Spoiler alert.

No fucking joke.

We all knew Omar wasn't going to outlast this season, didn't we?  Given that he was originally supposed to die after just seven episodes back in season one, I didn't think the writers would be inclined to pull any punches.  And given that he was the ultimate individualist in a world where the institutions always win, I think it would have been a cop-out if he'd lived to rob another day.  His death was almost necessary for the show's critique of the postmodern economy.

But the way he died... that was a shock.  Alone, friendless, gradually abandoning the stalwart code that had always set him apart. Gunned down by Kenard, the show's youngest character and one of its most odious, not in any dramatic showdown--no newspaper-tumbleweeds blowing across the alley this time--but in a liquor-store ambush free of any heroism.

That, too, was necessary.  The Wire has always been dangerously attached to Omar, willing to inflate him to legendary stature while it knocked everybody else off their pedestals.  Some episodes it seemed like there was nothing he couldn't do:  he out-policed McNulty, out-informed Bubbles, out-lawyered Levy.  Back in season three, Bunk made a noble effort at showing Omar, and us, the dangers of romanticizing a stick-up artist, but it didn't take. [*]  (My one regret about Omar's sudden death is that we didn't get another Bunk confrontation.  Although I did love Crutchfield rubbing his framed arrest last season in Bunk's face--asshole, though far from the episode's biggest.)  Before long Omar was back to plotting epic heists, dissecting organizations that eluded Lester Freamon's panoptic bespectacled gaze, pulling some Spider-Man shit.

This season has ground down Omar the way it grinds down everyone else, showing him the cost of being a loner.  First it showed him he wasn't really alone.  When Marlo couldn't strike at him, he struck at those Omar cared about, just as the authorities do every other time they are confronted with someone who thinks he can buck the system.  Marlo's strategy is no different from Rawls threatening Colvin's subordinates or gutting Major Crimes--just a little bit bloodier.

With his allies left behind or quickly killed off, Omar had to operate as a true loner for the first time since the end of season one.  (As an aside--why didn't Renaldo come back with Omar, and maybe bring a cousin or two?  Granted, he'd probably be dead by now if he had, but a few more guns might have turned the tables in that apartment ambush, or dictated a different strategy.  It's telling that Omar refused Renaldo's help; he had to know he was coming back to Baltimore to die.)  He still made an amazing run, escaping Marlo's ambush and subsequent manhunt, disrupting several of his corners and stash houses, killing a couple of enforcers, destroying all the drugs he seized, and putting the fear of God into Marlo and his soldiers.  It was a holy retribution, the hero posed against exploding cars--the stuff of the spaghetti westerns Omar had always half stepped out of.

But something was different this time.  Omar was cursing.  Breaking his promise to Bunk that he wouldn't do any more murders.  His code was fraying, either falling apart out of desperation or becoming subsumed into the Omar Little caricature he was playing.  All that was left was the violence and the vengeance, and this week's episode made it clear just how little that was worth.  His epic battles against the westside drug dealers ended with him standing alone on a deserted corner, howling for an enemy who would never face him. A gunfighter without a gunfight.

Omar

At least the other self-made caricatures--and there have been many this season--provide a little more levity.  This week's best comedy comes at the FBI profiling unit in Quantico, whose director has remade himself into a living, breathing basic-cable cliché.  (I thought it was a great touch to give him a southern accent--aren't these characters, the homespun directors, always southerners?  At least in the Bush years?) The director is selling the same thrill-of-the-hunt bullshit McNulty fed Teresa D'Agostino back in season three, but Kima's Unabomber comeback reminds us that real police work is more often a matter of diligent legwork or simple luck.  And, indeed, while McNulty has been casting himself in the hoary role of tormented cop hunting a serial killer, Bunk has come tantalizingly close to nailing Chris Partlow through sheer dogged investigation.

In a great reversal from their self-promoting director, however, the unit's profilers know their job; their profile exposes the gaping holes in McNulty's serial killer plot and nails his frustrated ego.  Wasn't it Bunk who said a couple weeks ago that he might learn something about himself?  The FBI profile tears down all the pretenses Jimmy lives by, not just the ones he built in season five.  No wonder he suddenly starts coming clean with Kima and Beadie; all his fictions lie in ruins.

Which brings us back to why Omar--the gunfighter, the superhero, the last honest criminal in Baltimore--had to die.  His death is a renunciation of fiction and its comforts.  Which, in true postmodern form, still follows the rules of the fiction it renounces:  as one character says in Ishmael Reed's Japanese by Spring, "in your Westerns, the gunslinger is always bested, ultimately, by an upstart."

And Omar might just get a little postmortem revenge.  Yes, that scrap of paper will help Lester take Omar's organization down, if there's still time, but I'm thinking more of the lasting damage he's done to Marlo's reputation.  The kingpin of all Baltimore went into hiding when one man with a broken leg came after him.  A man who was ultimately shot by a ten-year-old, doing what Marlo and his soldiers couldn't.  People have to notice that.  You can be sure Michael has, with the lectures he got about Junebug and the importance of maintaining your reputation.  All this season I've been wondering if, just as the corrosive Barksdales were replaced by the sociopathic Marlo, Marlo might himself might be replaced by a budding sociopath named Michael Lee.

Now the stakes are even higher.  I wonder if someday soon, sooner than we would think possible, Marlo or Michael or their successors will be replaced by a full-blown psychopath named Kenard.

May his reign be short.

Other Wire business:

  • Give it up for Leander Sydnor, this week's craftiest bastard.  I guess that Prez consultation won't be necessary after all.  Clearly Sydnor's been learning at the feet of Freamon (for good and ill--I love Kima's shock and disgust when she learns he's in on the scam too).  In fact, his able management of the surveillance teams shows that he's becoming a good teacher and supervisor in his own right.  If any shred of the MCU survives this scam--and it may be as doomed as Omar--Sydnor might be the only guy who can carry the torch and start training a new unit.
  • Loved Freamon's bluff in the bar, even if it shows a disturbing willingness to compound his lies.  I guess once you start fabricating, you can't stop.  In any case, I'm glad the Clay Davis plot isn't quite over.
  • Leaden expository dialogue makes an unwelcome return to the Sun scenes. Jeff Price has been a reporter for at least four years; would he really not know the Pulitzer schedule?
  • And then we have Terry Hanning--the one good story Templeton got, and he still couldn't write it clean.  Does Templeton have any redeeming features?
  • Also, when was the last time Gutierrez had a line of dialogue?  She brought the serial killer story to the Sun, and Templeton has run off with it.  How does she feel about that?  I bet that would be a much more interesting conversation than the Pulitzer infodump.
  • I wanted to use Terry's line about "A lie ain't a side of the story" for this week's post, but it didn't have much to do with Omar and the writers snagged it for their epigraph anyway.  And so, as always, I go running back to the Bunk...

[*] Update:  Alan Sepinwall reports that one of the kids who was playing Omar back in season three--the kids who were Bunk's best argument against the romanticization of Omar--

was Kenard.

And that would be one reason why The Wire, even in this problematic season, is still the best television show ever made.

February 18, 2008

"Ain't you the little king of diamonds?"

Do you know how hard it is to choose title quotes that don't come from the Bunk?  He had two or three keepers this episode alone.  That's not so much a reflection of his Wildean wit (or the Baltimore police version thereof) as it is a sign that he's become the moral center of this show.  With Lester falling hard, Haynes confined to the newsroom, Colvin nowhere in sight, and even Omar going back on his word, it's up to Bunk to remind us how the system was supposed to work.  And remind us he does, through acidic little asides or simply the roll of his eyes as Jimmy digs himself and the department deeper and deeper into his lies.  So many of the shots in this episode position Bunk with his back to the other characters, face to the camera, as if we are the only people he can confide in, the only people who can share his outrage.  Nobody in his world can be trusted.

The scene where he tells off Landsman and refuses to drop his casework brought me to my feet the first time I watched it.  A knowledgeable professional tells off his supervisor, refuses to play along with the bureaucracy's meaningless rituals, and gets away with it by the sheer force of his moral indignation:  that's one of the best victories on The Wire right there.

Sadly, this being The Wire, that victory is hard-fought and largely meaningless.

One of Mark Bowden's criticisms of The Wire was its seemingly unremitting bleakness, its sense that progress is impossible.  Sure, there are heroic individuals like Walon or Bunny Colvin who can help people on the interpersonal level that the show prizes; there are seasoned professionals like Haynes or Daniels or, until recently, Lester Freamon, who do important jobs and do them well; there are even institutional players like Tommy Carcetti or, for that matter, Joe Stewart and Stringer Bell, who intermittently dream of reform.  But their reforms fail.  Their institutions remain unchanged--or grow worse.  If there's any merit to any of Bowden's charges, this would be the one. And Exhibit A would be the trial of Clay Davis.

The trial shows season five's narrative compression at its worst.  I can forgive the show the dramatic license of putting the trial within a week or two (at most) of the arraignment; it's not like they have the luxury of waiting another season.  But squeezing the whole trial into half an episode, and letting Davis off on such transparent pandering, ruins the entire subplot--which up until this week was one of the season's best-executed storylines.

For a couple of weeks now, the writers have been planting all sorts of indicators that Davis's trial might not turn out to be the slam-dunk that it seemed.  Bond deciding to try the case himself for political points, and cutting down the number of witnesses.  Bond and Carcetti shutting out the federal prosecutors.  Davis martyring himself in the local media.  Possibly even Freamon and Sydnor getting distracted by their illegal wiretap, and neglecting the case they've been detailed to.  There are plenty of plausible, well-advertised ways Davis could skate on his charges.  Instead, Richard Price and David Simon make him so silver-tongued that he runs roughshod over Bond and turns the courtroom into his cheering section.  It reduces Bond to an idiot who doesn't know how to run a trial in his own city.  It reduces the judge to an idiot who can't run her own court. It reduces the jurors and gallery members to idiots, too.  Would the entire courtroom buy into Davis's act?  Would they all, every one of them, burst into applause?  That's not Baltimore, it's Springfield.

I hope Davis's strained reality show references weren't intended to be part of this season's media critique.  Yes yes, everything in the media is fake, we understand that--but by making Davis's trial so wildly implausible, Price and Simon insult our intelligence as viewers of this season and our emotional investment as viewers of the last four.  A plotline that's been building for five seasons came crashing down in half an hour so the show could score a cheap, obvious point.  And it takes other, better scenes down with it:  McNulty turning into the homicide unit's money faucet is funny (as is his inadvertent, unwilling transformation into middle manager--absolutely the last character suited for the job and even he knows it), but then it's too obviously twinned with Davis's testimony.  Whatever else was done right in episode seven, the Davis trial is a huge step backwards.

The newspaper plot fares about as well.  After getting it right last week and showing us how good journalism is made, the writers brought out the expository sledgehammer again.  Did we need to see Fletcher told not once but twice to "write how it feels"?  I mean, it's nice to see Bubs stepping back into his informant role--and very interesting, maybe very telling, that he refuses payment this time.  That scene may have shown a quiet but profound development in his character, but it does nothing for our understanding of Fletcher or the Sun.

The episode is much better on Haynes's discovery of Templeton's fabrications (which are not exactly subtle anymore).  He practices the other side of the David Simon model of good journalism:  while Fletcher is standing around listening to people, Gus cultivates his local connections and draws on their knowledge to blow a hole a mile wide in Templeton's lies.

Connections can turn back on you, though.  The Wire has never flinched from comparing the war on drugs to the war on terror or the war in Iraq, and Templeton and Gutierrez repeating McNulty's concoction carries more than a hint of Judith Miller and other journalists who parroted the Bush administration's lies about weapons of mass destruction.  I'd love to see the consequences of such uncritical coziness come back to bite the Sun, but I don't know if we have enough time left in this brutally foreshortened season to broaden the critique beyond the absurd particulars of this case.  The show has gotten so caught up in the logistics of the serial killer deception that it's starting to lose sight of the institutional problems that deception was supposed to highlight.  Maybe something will happen in the next three weeks to point the blame back where it belongs:  police departments that value stats and money above good police work, sure, but also newspapers that value access more highly than the truth.

Other Wire business:

  • Richard Belzer and Jay Landsman in the same bar?  Good thing Delaney Williams didn't walk in or my TV set would have been sucked into the resulting tear in spacetime.
  • So, is everybody else assuming they'll work in a Prez cameo when Lester seeks a consultation on Marlo's clock code?  I'd like that.  Maybe we'll even catch a glimpse of Marcia Donnelly or Namond...
  • Dominic West can do an amazing American accent and a truly shitty Bawlmer one.
  • From the trailers for next week:  I think I already have my quote, and it's not from the Bunk.
  • I don't know where they plan on taking Dukie and the junkman, but as an old Homicide fan I'm getting seriously bad vibes from those previews.

Adena Watson bad.

February 11, 2008

"I don't fuck with no make-believe"

Lots of people changing strategies this episode, for better and for worse.

The biggest strategic blunder was Marlo's, and he made it last week.  As long as he took the high-discipline, low-tech approach he could keep the MCU at arm's reach.  (Budget problems helped.)  But as soon as he switches back to using phones, he's fucked.  Tapping phones is what the MCU does, and no gimmick, no innovation will fool them for long.  Marlo, your arms are too short to box with Lester Freamon.  Too bad the fake case Freamon cooked up with McNulty is pulling away resources away right at the moment of his breakthrough.  (On the other hand, without the serial killer he wouldn't have the wire.  Call it a wash, on this case and this case only?)

Omar makes a much more effective strategy change this episode--since he can't get to Marlo personally, he'll go after his reputation and goad him into coming out of hiding.  Maybe not the safest play to make when he's got no help and one bad leg, but it's the only one he's got.  I also love the scene where he jacks up Fat Face Ricky with nothing but a beer bottle and his own reputation.  Reputation is power, and he's crippling Marlo as best he can.

(Fat Face Ricky, by the way, is my new favorite drug dealer.  Nice call on the connect.  Will he and Slim Charles help take out Marlo and Cheese?)

Bunk falls back on a time-honored strategy, working the vacant murders like murders instead of waiting for misfiled lab work or a nonexistent wiretap case to hand him a lead.  He's rapidly becoming this season's frustrated moral conscience, its Bunny Colvin figure.  (Haynes has been a little too passive the last couple of weeks.)  His claim on that position would be a lot more comfortable, of course, if he'd just stepped in and prevented McNulty from starting the serial killer story in the first place.

The writers reward Bunk for his dedication to old-school police investigation by giving him a couple of breakthroughs.  Unfortunately, the homicide scenes have two of the more egregious examples of narrative compression this season--we never see Kima get the tip that puts the Junebug triple on Marlo, and Bunk comes up aces on his second random name search.  I get the feeling both of those investigations would have been much more prolonged and the payoffs more satisfying if HBO had shelled out for twelve or thirteen episodes instead of ten.  But apparently that money was better invested in another series about a psychiatrist.  Next spring, a bold new drama about a suburban family--with a twist!

(It's hard to get too pissed off at the only network that would ever air this series, let alone keep it going for five seasons.  But god damn it, people--ten episodes???)

Templeton makes a quiet, highly effective change of his own, finally shutting up and writing a decent story.  (And he writes it by practicing the David Simon style of journalism, just standing around and listening--although he cuts a distinctly anti-Simonic figure with his notebook and his Kansas City Star t-shirt.  Way to blend in.)  Looks like Templeton could become a real journalist some day, in much the same way Carver finally became a real police, and it's nice to see Haynes encouraging this development--but I'm assuming Gus will discover his fabrications soon, maybe even next week.  We need a good couple of weeks of Whiting and Klebanow rallying around their star pupil and Haynes struggling against the institutional cover if the fabulist plot is going to have a decent payoff.  And Haynes needs the conflict--like I said, he's been too inactive the last couple of episodes.

The actor who played the Marine veteran was terrific.  None of the jittery tics that most homeless or veteran characters get saddled with.  Kind of like Templeton, he underplays the scene and lets the horrific story sell itself.

The actor who played Larry was good, too, although he went in the other direction--beyond "tics" into total psychotic dysfunctionality.  Thanks to Larry, McNulty is finally starting to have some doubts even as he pulls off his most elegant deception yet.  (And good on the writers for not sending McNulty down the obvious, unthinkable route of killing homeless himself.  This is The Wire, not The Shield.)  He's telling himself that he's helping Larry out, but he belatedly recognizes the humanity and the suffering of the people he's been exploiting.  Maybe he'll make a strategic change of his own.

Or maybe not.  After McNulty called Freamon a supervisor's nightmare, Christy turned to me and said, "I think Nixon just went to China."

Other Wire business:

  • "That's some Spider-Man shit there."  Indeed.
  • Love the crime lab as the anti-CSI.  I guess forensics isn't so sexy when you're on a budget.
  • Putting former Baltimore mayor Martin O'Malley's criticisms of The Wire into Tommy Carcetti's mouth--that's beautiful.  That's the good meta.
  • This episode was a great glimpse of both Carcetti the idealist and Carcetti the canny political strategist.
  • Very effective use of the past-season cameos this week.  The ribbon-cutting at the docks was poignant (though amusing to watch Carcetti claim responsibility for a project that began back in the Royce administration!) but the Randy scene was heartbreaking, especially that shove on the stairs.  It doesn't get any easier to watch the second time around.

February 10, 2008

This Is Too Cool

I haven't been shy about praising the Clay Davis scenes from last week's Wire; they were the moment that this season's media critique sprang to life for me.  But I've just learned something that makes that subplot even more delicious:  the first radio host who interviews Clay is Larry Young, a former Baltimore state senator and current Baltimore radio personality.

Ten years ago Young, a state senator from Baltimore's west side, was censured and expelled from the state senate for ethics violations.  As a result, in the words of the Baltimore City Paper, Young "is regarded as a hero, or at least a sympathetic victim of white oppression, by lots of Baltimoreans."  Clay Davis is crying in the microphone of someone whose career trajectory has a few parallels with his own.  (Which is not to say that Young is the only or even the primary source for Davis.  I don't think it's any accident that when Davis gets arraigned, one of the characters goes out of his way to mention it's at the Mitchell courthouse.  Oh, how the mighty have fallen.)

But it gets better. Larry Young also showed up in the original Homicide, David Simon's book, where he was largely responsible for a clusterfuck of a case that involved an imaginary abduction, a false police report, a convenient press leak, and a sham trial.  (Simon never exactly spells out the root of the trouble, but his implications are clear enough that one of the entries in this Washington Post sidebar drips with irony.)  The primary detective on that case, Donald Worden, has also appeared on The Wire, as have two of the superior officers who protected him from the political fallout when some department brass leaked an investigation that was supposed to be confidential.

And that's one of the things I love about The Wire.  You don't need to know any of this background to appreciate the storylines, but when you do they get that much better.  And Simon has an amazing knack for bringing all these disparate voices together--as a radio host, Young opposed the appointment of Edward Norris as police commissioner.  Norris, after some ethics troubles of his own, now plays homicide detective Ed Norris on The Wire (and has his own Baltimore radio show--can a shot at that be far behind?).  Somehow, he's able to get all these people to play these sly, knowing, sometimes deeply unflattering roles.

He certainly did with tonight's cameo...

February 07, 2008

Heroin, or, The Economic Logic of Late Capitalism

Bodie

Of all the corrupt and declining institutions on The Wire, none are more corrosive than the drug gangs.  It's not just the product they're selling, which destroys lives and eats away at neighborhoods; it's the business itself, a shadow industry run by sociopaths who betray their own people when there's a dollar to be made or a risk to be avoided.

But it wasn't always like that:

The users, an army unto themselves, were serviced daily in back alleys and housing project stairwells by men who were, on some level, careerists, committed to distribution networks that paid them, protected them, paid their bails, and took care of their people when they went away to Hagerstown or Jessup.  These men were professional in outlook, lethal but not reckless, and by and large, they lived with an acknowledged code, to wit:

They didn't use what they sold.  They didn't serve children or use children to serve, just as they wouldn't sell to wide-eyed virgins looking to skin-pop for the first time.  They carried the threat of violence like a cloak, but in the end, they didn't shoot someone unless someone needed to get shot.

[...]

This earlier generation stayed serious, cautious.  On a business level at least, they understood responsibility and were therefore responsible with the package.

That's David Simon and Ed Burns describing the heroin trade of the 1960s and 1970s in order to set the historical context for the very different world they would record in The Corner (1997). The Corner is essential reading for any Wire fan, both a compelling story in its own right and an important precursor to the fictionalized ethnographies of The Wire.  (You'll find an Amazon link over in the new "World of The Wire" sidebar.) Almost every Bubbles caper has its origins in the trials and tribulations of the book's hard-working dope fiends, and a lot of the school material from season four first appears there.  And in one amazing chapter, Simon and Burns explain nothing less than the origins of the world as we know it today.  They do it by telling the story of the Baltimore drug gangs.

According to Simon and Burns, the drug trade's transformation from the managerial criminal industry of "Little Melvin" Williams to the anarchy of the 1980s and beyond emerged from a confluence of factors:  Federal prosecutions put away most of the criminal leadership by the mid-1970s.  Cocaine and crack arrived in the 1980s.  Mandatory minimums and the war on drugs flooded the jails with so many small-time dealers that jail time became nonexistent and arrests meaningless.

But mostly it came from a massive economic shift that's touched everything else in our culture:

With heroin alone, the sources of supply seemed finite and organizational; access was limited to those with a genuine connection to the New York suppliers, who had, in turn, cultivated a connection to a small number of importers.  The cocaine epidemic changed that as well, creating a freelance market with twenty-year-old wholesalers supplying seventeen-year-old dealers.  Anyone could ride the Amtrak or the Greyhound to New York and come back with a package.  By the late eighties, the professionals were effectively marginalized in Baltimore; cocaine and the open market made the concept of territory irrelevant to the city drug trade.

It didn't stop there either.  Cocaine kicked the dealer's code in the ass, because as the organizations gave way, so did standards.  On every corner, street dealers began using minors, first as lookouts and runners, then as street-level fighters.

[...]

When children became the labor force, the work itself became childlike, and the organizational structure that came with heroin's first wave was a historical footnote.  In the 1990s, the drug corner is modeled on nothing more complicated than a fast-food emporium, an environment in which dealing drugs requires about as much talent and finesse as serving burgers.  No discretion; no precautions; the modern corner has no need for the applied knowledge of previous generations.

This is a brilliant analogy.  The drug trade shifted from an organized industrial cartel to a franchised service industry, with all the attendant degradation of labor that comes with a service economy.  Unfortunately, when skilled workers are replaced with unskilled ones in this particular sector, people start dying.  The switch to child labor brought with it a random, impulsive violence on a scale unlike anything seen in the old days, and there was no one left in charge to restrain it.

There is no singular connection, no citywide cartel to enforce discipline and carve up territory.  Looking up the skirt of the wholesale market from Fayette and Monroe, the drug sources are random and diffuse. [...]

The product itself is, by and large, ready to sell.  Gone are the days of uncut dope on the table and four or five gangsters battling the scale, trying to get the purity down and maximize profit.  Gone are the cut-buddies, who could wield the playing cards and mannitol with skill to ensure a proper package.  Much of what sells on a Baltimore corner is purchased as a prepackaged item with little assembly required.  A G-pack of a hundred coke vials, sold on consignment, can make you one thousand dollars, with six hundred kicked back to the supplier.  Do that a couple of times, then ride the bus or the rails to New York, catch the IRT up to Morningside Heights or the Grand Concourse and lay down the grip; what comes back is precut product, with the equivalent number of vials all neatly wrapped.  No math, no chemistry--a sixth-grader with patience and a dull blade can fill the vials and be on a corner inside of an hour.

Deprofessionalization.  One of the dirtiest words in The Wire, even if you'll never hear it phrased exactly that way (which is probably for the best).  It's no less a problem for the drug gangs than it is for the unions or the police.  Bodie gets saddled with corner boys who can't count; Cutty is tasked with educating trigger-happy soldiers who can't tell when one of their own is holding out.  If The Corner is telling the full story, disciplined street-level gangs like the Barksdales or Marlo's people are the anomalies.  Most of the dealers are morons--morons with vials of coke and bags of heroin and loaded guns.

Their professional standards are ailing for the same reason everybody else's are.  The Wire is a show about the decline of liberal society, about how institutions formed in the age of embedded liberalism, Keynesian policy, the welfare state, and the long postwar economic boom now struggle, adapt, or die in an age of neoliberal policies that remove even the most modest controls on the ability of capital to move wherever it wants and do whatever it wants.  The show uses the lens of criminal investigations to dramatize the consequences of the shift from a late-modernist economy regulated both internally by managed competition and externally by liberal government to a postmodern economy that erodes all regulations, all limits, all codes.

Corner_kids

The social devastation depicted in The Corner and The Wire is a direct consequence of postmodern turns in both the global economy as a whole and the drug trade.  (Macroeconomic and more localized shifts which come together in the figure of the Greek--global capitalism personified as the god of all gangsters.)  The centralized, code-bound organization of Melvin Williams and his peers--the liberals of crime--has given way to an anarchic profusion of franchises built on easy money, cheap labor, and flagrant violence.  This is why Proposition Joe dies; this is why Stringer Bell dies; they both thought they could bring back the centralized cartel, the command economy, the code of professional ethics in a world that now regards the first two as fossils and the last as a sign of weakness.  It's Marlo's world now.

Nor is this devastation limited to the gangs or their neighborhoods.  The pains of the post-industrial economy are most obvious in the union story of season two, but all of the institutions in The Wire are feeling the same pressures.  The Sun's owners are laying off reporters even though the paper is still profitable, because their only responsibility is to maximize their stockholders' returns.  Teachers have become nothing more than warm bodies who stand at the front of the room and recite test questions.  Veteran reporters, veteran police--even veteran slingers like Bodie--are chased out of their own organizations because they're too highly-paid, too likely to bristle, too willing to challenge the bosses.  They're replaced with kids who write what the editors want to see, break heads the Western district way, kill whoever Marlo wants killed and take whatever terms he offers.  They're all temps; they just don't know it.

And Bubbles.  Poor Bubbles.  In seasons three and four he's a street entrepreneur, a dope-fiend small business owner, the hardest-working man in Baltimore.  If those comforting Ben Franklin myths about the self-made man were the whole story, if poverty and homelessness really were a matter of being poor and homeless by choice, Bubbles would have pulled himself out of it long ago.  And once he registers on a stick-up man's radar, there's nothing to protect him.  Even with tighter police connections than any other fiend in Baltimore, he has no safety net and he can't count on anyone else to look out for him.  A work ethic isn't enough anymore.

With its fifth-season focus on the mass media, The Wire has also begun turning its attentions to some of the cultural effects of the postmodern turn.  The current season has shown us a media industry that's completely disconnected from the world it's supposed to be covering, generating a torrent of column inches and radio chatter and televised bloviating that misses the real stories unfolding in Baltimore.  Those are stories of fabricated events and rigged games--notice how references to juiced baseball players keep cropping up around the reporter who is himself juicing quotes--but they are also stories about economic downturns, political corruption, environmental pollution, bureaucratic incompetence, educational failure, the problems of a real world that barely registers with its self-appointed watchdogs.  The media dwell in a world of simple narratives that are more fiction than fact:  the Dickensian aspect, the Passion of Clay Davis, and of course the masticating serial killer on the loose.  Our culture is governed by an "ontological dominant" (to borrow a phrase from Brian McHale) of multiple, mutable, and fabricated realities--a concept that sounds all well and good when you're talking about postmodernist literature, but it's horrifying and depressing when you realize the same phenomenon holds true for journalism.

The Wire is telling the biggest story in the world, the story of a profound shift in the way western societies are organized.  It's nothing short of amazing that David Simon, Ed Burns, and company have found a way to tell that story without getting lost in the macroeconomics, spouting off political statements instead of dialogue, or trivializing it down to maudlin, reductive pap.  They are telling a story about the devaluation of labor and the degradation of human life without forgetting that their characters are first and foremost human beings. The Wire rises and falls on their stories as they all struggle to get by in a global economy that follows the logic of the heroin market.

February 04, 2008

"We have some facts of our own"

The Wire is never more Wire-like than when it shows the vultures circling.  Seemingly everybody in episode five is out to play each other and doing a damn fine job of it, whether it's Marlo setting up Omar, Nerese finessing Clay Davis the way she did Burrell, Levy chortling as Marlo waltzes right into an anticipated wiretap case, or Herc--Herc!--finally remembering his friends.  And who would ever have thought he'd be in contention (a minor challenger, admittedly) for the Craftiest Bastard?

No, everybody is a crafty bastard this week, with the exception of McNulty and Freamon.  Now they're pulling resources away from real cases--including the case they started these phoney murders to investigate!--and driving Clay Davis's indictment off the front pages, and they don't yet have anything to show for it.  That's a great moment at the end as Lester is befuddled by Marlo's text message, but it just confirms that he and Jimmy are once again this week's stupidest assholes.  And Herc shows a flash of intelligence!  Has the world gone mad?

The fake serial killer plot gets tied in neatly--a little too neatly--with the fake journalist plot.  (And we get not one but two hard confirmations that Templeton's been juicing his stories, no surprises there.)  That sets up a wonderful instability between Templeton and McNulty as each one suspects the other is lying and neither one can openly say anything about it.  It's a perfect narrative tension primed to blow up in everybody's faces, but I wonder if that kind of suspense story belongs in The Wire.  This show works best when it uses the narrative framework of high-end police investigation to scale up and down the hierarchies of various institutions, surveying their successes and failures.  It's outgrown its investigative origins before--most effectively in the school plot of season four--but it never lost its original focus on drug crime and the institutions that tolerate or empower it.

Until now?  Of all the criticisms of season five and the newspaper plot--here's another one for your list, complete with a title that reeks of fan entitlement--the best has probably come from Matthew Yglesias in the WireTAP

...it's simply not the case that to understand ghetto crime you need to understand the decline of metropolitan daily newspapers in mid-sized American cities.  Simon happens to be interested in this issue because he used to work at one, and since a daily newspaper covers everything that happens in a city it's easy to make a media plotline intersect with a politics story, a crime story, an education story or whatever else. But an intersection is not the same as a rich, thematic entwinement and the story of crime in America and the story of the decline of the newspaper from its mid-century golden age are fundamentally different stories. Crime is much lower in urban America than it was 20 years ago despite steady erosion of daily papers like the Sun; these are simply separate questions.

The Wire is about more than mere "ghetto crime"--it's about the decline of civic institutions in general, so a newspaper fits on that front, and it's about the effects of postmodern capitalism (more on that later this week, I swear!), so the story of the Sun's decline is distantly related to the decline of the unions, police, schools, even the drug gangs themselves.  But it's only related at the most Olympian, macroeconomic level, and Yglesias's point seems fundamentally sound:  what do broke cities, corrupt bureaucracies, or sociopathic drug kingpins have to do with careerist reporters who juice their quotes?  I'm not sure what the two fabricator plots tell us about journalism or police work--let alone drug crime!--that couldn't have been said with far less outlandish developments.  The Wire draws its stories from an amazingly broad canvas, but the newspaper plot may have wandered off the frame.

Back in the early PR push, David Simon said season five would answer the question of why nobody pays attention to the people and problems depicted on The Wire.  So far it hasn't done that.  It's shown why newspapers can't cover stories with the breadth or depth they once had, but it hasn't shown why readers don't care.  It hasn't shown why other media aren't picking up the slack.  Except for a couple of bitter lines about missing white women in Aruba and dead bodies in the wrong zip codes--pointed and probably accurate, but maybe a little too narrowly aimed?--it hasn't answered or really even raised the question of why nobody is paying attention to the inner cities.

There is one major improvement in the media coverage this week--the criticism has expanded from the sagging ambitions of print to the manufactured outrage of talk radio.  This being Baltimore, the outrage runs to black paranoia rather than white but the show pulls no punches as Clay Davis martyrs himself with the full support of corrupt or just plain gullible politicians, radio hosts, church leaders, and a reassuringly tiny handful of citizens.  Those few tightly drawn scenes probably do more than the whole slow-motion funeral for the Sun does to answer the question of why nobody pays attention.  Politicians like Clay Davis and Clarence Royce, whose constituents are most affected by the drug trade and the war on drugs, are more interested in self-enrichment and self-preservation.  They protect their position by rallying around a racial politics as crass and divisive as anything coming from the other side, and the local media are only too happy to encourage them.  A story that should be about Clay's fake charities and ties to drug traffickers instead becomes a puffed-up drama of racial persecution--all the more galling when you consider that the people Davis is hurting and the state's attorney who's prosecuting him are themselves black.

And when Davis starts claiming there are two sides to every story and boasting that he has some facts of his own--echoing the press's obsessions with a false objectivity and even-handedness that cloud rather than expose the truth--that's a more damning indictment of the media than all the Sun scenes to date.  The criticism is finally starting to gel, and it's got nothing to do with fake serial killers or juiced quotes.  It's got everything to do with the show's old standbys of drug crime and corrupt institutions.  I hope future episodes build on it.

Other Wire business:

  • Forgot to mention this last week, but episode four's homeless scenes were absolutely chilling.  Whether it was the guy who couldn't talk because he had to go to work or Johnny Fifty sitting there with the other homeless, his steady union dispatcher job presumably gone... yow.  That's how The Wire makes its best points--simple observed detail, not wild plotlines.
  • Did Jimmy switch his story about the killer calling from a pay phone to a cell phone?  I suppose he'd have to--otherwise the detectives would notice when the false tap wasn't picking up any calls.  But that's one way he and Lester could get caught...
  • And apparently Omar is now a superhero.  Fuck it, I'm still rooting for him.

Another Reason to Like Michael Chabon

He likes Barack Obama, and for one of the best reasons.  (No word on how he feels about Omar.)

In the same paper, Erica Jong writes a piece endorsing Clinton called "Hillary vs. the Patriarchy."  Because nothing would topple the patriarchy like voting for a woman based on who she married.  Or supporting another "liberal hawk" and DLC centrist who believes the only way to defeat the establishment is to vote just like it.

The amazing thing about Jong's piece is that it contains almost nothing supporting Clinton's policies or her accomplishments in office.  She praises Clinton for her triangulation and compromise on Iraq and Iran, not because she says those are the right stands to take, but because she says those are the stands that will help Clinton get elected.  Her biggest argument is that Hillary Clinton regularly caves in to the opposition and supports George W. Bush's saber-rattling so she can be the most electable candidate--in 2004.

Like many Clinton supporters, Jong can't let her arguments for Hillary pass without slipping in a couple shots at Obama.  (Chabon follows the example of his candidate and makes an affirmative case for Barack Obama without stooping to name, let alone attack, his opponent.  I wish I met that standard.)  She claims Obama was "lucky enough not to be in the Senate when the Iraq war resolution was floated," implying that he somehow ducked the issue when in fact he took a considerable political risk by speaking out against the Iraq war at a time when "Dixie Chick" was becoming a very nasty verb.  Jong hints, without quite having the courage to say it, that supporting Obama is "tokenism and condescension," which is pretty damn condescending itself--as if we only like Obama for his symbolic value and not his actual values.

Her piece is also a great illustration of Chabon's point that so many of the arguments made by establishment Democrats against Obama boil down to fear--fear that anybody who doesn't make the cynical, cowardly choices the Clintons made is somehow incapable of winning office in this country.  One of the best things about Obama's campaign, the element Chabon highlights, is that he's showing us we don't have to shed our principles.  We don't have to become the things we fear.  Barack Obama (and John Edwards, for that matter, when he was still in the campaign) is inspiring because he offers something that's been completely absent from our political discourse over the last eight to fifteen years--so absent we didn't even know it was missing.  We've forgotten that leaders can appeal to our best instincts and not our worst.  And he can actually win the White House, if primary voters reject the self-defeating calculations that drip from Jong's piece.

In short, Michael Chabon and Erica Jong have both written fantastic endorsements of Barack Obama.

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